For better or worse, why the relationship between the private and public sector is a partnership for goodBy: Rachel Mukuze, Senior Investment Professional at Old Mutual Alternative Investments 17 October 2025

South Africa’s most contentious truth is also its most useful one: the state cannot fix everything alone, and the market cannot be trusted to fix anything without guardrails. That tension has spawned a narrative that private players profit from public failure. The reality is more complicated, sector specific and, if we do the work, far more hopeful. Done properly, public–private partnerships (PPPs) do not hollow out the state. They extend their reach, hardwire accountability, and bring scarce capability to bear on services that citizens need every day.

Start with price and power. In essential services like water and electricity, the idea of super profits collapses under regulation and affordability. Water is a right. Electricity tariffs are capped. Transport is constrained by what commuters can actually pay. Infrastructure that prices people out fails fast because users vanish, loans cannot be serviced, and the political licence evaporates. In these sectors, the private sector role is limited by policy, tariffs, and the hard ceiling of household budgets. That is not a flaw in the design, it is the commercial reality.

Then consider the framework. South Africa’s PPP model sets rules that bite. Output specifications define what must be delivered, penalties trigger when it is not, and risk is allocated explicitly between the department and the private party. Structures vary, concessions, build–operate–transfer, build–own–operate, and refurbish–operate–transfer for existing facilities, but the duties are consistent: keep the asset in agreed condition, transfer skills to the public team, report transparentl,y and accept financial consequences for underperformance. Treasury oversight and departmental stewardship sit at the same table as sponsors and subcontractors to keep the project honest. This is not laissez-faire outsourcing. It is regulated collaboration.

In a concession, the state grants a licence to finance, build, and operate a service for a fixed term, with revenue from user charges or availability payments while the asset remains a public asset. Under build-operate-transfer (BOT), the private party finances, builds, and runs the asset for a term before handing it back in agreed condition, paid through unitary fees, regulated tariffs, or availability fees. In build-own-operate (BOO), the private party finances, builds, owns, and operates the asset under a long-term licence with service standards and pricing still regulated. Refurbish-operate-transfer (ROT) upgrades an existing public facility, has the private party operate it for a period, then transfers it back with clear lifecycle and performance obligations.

There are working examples. Citizens have felt the benefit of Home Affairs partnerships that let banks process IDs and passports in days, not months. The Inkosi Albert Luthuli Central Hospital shows how availability-based contracts can sustain complex facilities. Government accommodation PPPs have freed departments to focus on mandate, not maintenance. Not everything is perfect. Gautrain’s pricing remains a caution about affordability, yet the lesson is not that collaboration fails. It is that affordability must be designed in from the start and regulated.

Where the next opportunities lie.

Water is South Africa’s new Eskom. 

The economics are tight because water should be sold at near zero margin, which is exactly why traditional return hurdles will not unlock capital at scale. The fix is blended finance, which combines public and private money: small public grants to close gaps, time-limited tax relief, cheaper loans from development banks and rewards for meeting service targets rather than raising prices. Private operators will not line up for 0% returns, but patient, impact-aligned capital will if the mandate is clear and governance is firm.

Mobility.

Safe, affordable movement from township to CBD and back again is a growth policy, not a transport project. We need to prioritise integrated corridors where pricing, safety and reliability are guaranteed. Use payments that reward on-time performance and vehicle uptime. Build local supply chains into contracts so unitary fees circulate through women-, youth- and black-owned firms. If commuters keep more of their salary and spend less time on the road, the macro payoff compounds.

Healthcare.

Start with subsidised primary clinics within reach of communities, then stitch in education to grow the future talent base. Co-locating health and learning builds a pipeline and trust. Pull professionals into the public system with decent conditions and predictable pay. Use standardised PPP contracts for facilities and non-clinical services and keep clinical control with the public authority. Measure outcomes that matter to patients, then pay for them.

Incentives matter too. You cannot ask a traditional return-seeking fund to take water-sector economics and call it impact.  We need to match the mandate to the mission. Blended vehicles, foundations, and DFIs can accept lower financial returns when social returns are clear. Commercial pools can fund logistics depots, data centres, and accommodation where cash flows support market rates. The job of policy is to put each rand of capital where it belongs and make sure nobody extracts value that citizens did not consent to.

At Old Mutual Alternative Investments, this agenda is not abstract. We steward South African retirement savings and must turn long-term commitments into dependable, inflation-linked cash flows while strengthening the systems people use every day.  Our platforms are built for regulated, asset-level execution where governance and skills transfer are non-negotiable. Our work across renewables, transport, and social infrastructure shows how disciplined PPPs can deliver reliable income and measurable impact.  We bring capital, operating partners, and hard measurement to contracts that lock in local procurement, jobs, skills, and lower emissions. A more capable state strengthens our work; it is the precondition for scaling investable pipelines, crowding in more capital, and securing better retirement outcomes.

Governance is the other lever. 

Monthly reporting, independent audits, and automatic penalties are not paperwork; they are citizen protection. Procurement targets for SMEs, women, and youth only matter if they are measured and enforced. Skills transfer is a clause that becomes a promise when public sector teams are staffed to absorb it. Contract management is a profession.  We therefore need to treat it like one.

We must also change the scale. 

The country does not only need mega projects signed in capital cities. It needs a thousand smaller, standardised community partnerships that fix boreholes, refurbish clinics, secure substations, and light streets. Aggregate them to reach investable size. Keep the contracts simple. Pay for verified outputs. Let local people protect what serves them. When communities have real stake, vandalism falls and services endure.

So, what is the agenda? 

First, build state capacity: compete for talent, pay on time, and reward performance, while growing project finance, engineering, and contract-management skills in-house. Second, enforce the guardrails: keep output specs clear, reporting transparent and penalties that bite, with Treasury and departments at the table for the life of the asset. Third, design affordability in: set tariffs people can live with and use public support to bridge gaps where social value is higher than the financial return.

For better or worse, South Africa’s future is a joint venture. 

When the public sector sets the rules and holds the line and the private sector brings execution and capital without predation, citizens win and the country prospers. The alternative is a false purity that leaves people waiting for services that never arrive. Partnership is not a surrender of the state. It is how a capable state gets more done.